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December 18 李鸿章“三千余年一大变局”是正语而非悲语语出李鸿章同治十一年奏稿:
窃维欧洲诸国,百十年来,由印度而南洋,由南洋而东北,闯入中国边界腹 地,凡史前之所未载,亘古之所未通,无不款关而求互市。我皇上如天之度,概与立约通商,以牢笼之。便地球东西南朔九万里之遥,胥聚于中国,此三千余年一大变局也。(《李文忠公奏稿》卷十九)
当时“变局”议论,可参王尔敏《晚清政治思想史论》页168注1;及同氏著《清季兵工业的兴起》。 布罗代尔《地中海》英国的一位史学史研究者这样说:“几乎没有历史学家想要模仿《地中海》,有能力从事这一工作的人更是凤毛麟角。”(彼得·伯克《法国史学革命:年鉴学派,1929—1989》,北京大学出版社,页37)今天上午读到这段话,很是吃惊,差点把喝着的咖啡喷到书上。也许确实没有人会否认《地中海》的无法超越性,但是竟没有人想要去“模仿”,令人匪夷所思。“传统”史学的渍染没有令我忘记理论——至少是理论的向往,于是急检书架,找出尘埃中的“地中海”。面对着这样一部就像托尔斯泰《战争与和平》那样的,“一劳永逸地扩大了它所采用的写作文体的可能性”的伟大著作,我就不信这世上竟没有人依着这大葫芦的样子去画一个小瓢。 September 23 再过上海上一次是从南京到上海,这一次是从吉隆坡到上海。在此之前,我从未想到过它会和浦口如此紧密的相连。也许飘到眼前的每一道云,都来自于拂过面庞的那几阵风,岂可轻心,有一种无限感怀叫作因缘。 June 13 海外中国研究导航
May 04 讀花隨人聖庵摭憶札記之四黃氏博聞強識,深明故實,故摭憶一書,幾於晚清掌故,一網殆盡。知其事,同其情,則議論往往中的。如謂曾左皆不勾結宮廷,而李文忠則好結內援,又謂曾左本非為世受清恩而戰,均切肯綮。然人情好惡,亦所不免。黃氏似不喜左文襄之為人,遂汲汲於褒貶。如日人著清史,至謂文襄始曾以策干洪秀全,不用,縋城遁去。黃氏以為此說理蓋可信,豈非荒謬。
黃氏曰:使王湘綺稍後數十年生,必一革命黨無疑。斯真識言。又摘湘綺日記“季高方踞百尺樓,余何從攀談”,極傳其神。跅弛之才,必好南面之術,不得為帝師,則思革命以代之,王湘綺是矣。
汪精衛博浪之擊,事不成,而繫於獄,所聞獄卒之言戊戌六君子事,頗賴黃氏是書以傳。其中言康廣仁獄中時以頭撞牆,痛哭失聲曰:天哪!哥子的事,要兄弟來承當!林旭本時時作微笑,聞其哭,尤笑不可仰。革命之猥瑣、高華,以此一哭一笑,照燭無遺。夤夜披覽至此,因念十七年前之所見所聞,低眉無端,廢書久之。 April 28 讀花隨人聖庵摭憶札記二黃氏言:古人最重冬至;今者雲物不殊,黃口少年,已鮮能辨何謂長至者。教學兩失,每況愈下,即今大學教習,能言日南至、春王正月者亦尠。舊學既乏商量,新知遑論培養,袞袞諸公,眉軒袂聳,不過竊人牙慧,轉呼邪許而已。黃氏地下有知,不知當作如何想也。 讀花隨人聖庵摭憶札記一寒柳堂主人嘗謂黃氏文筆極佳,後讀程門弟子所纂《書紳錄》,見閑堂老人亦有此語。然錢默存記陳石遺之言,謂黃秋岳駢文集有清一代大成,而散文不能成語。《摭憶》正以散體,未知前輩孰評為當。又《石語》謂余弟子黃秋岳云云,而黃氏不稱石遺為師,亦未知何故。 March 08 夏含夷新著Rewriting Early Chinese TextsEditorial Reviews Book Description Explores the rewriting of early Chinese texts in the wake of new archaeological evidence. From the Back Cover Rewriting Early Chinese Texts examines the problems of reconstituting and editing ancient manuscripts that will revise—indeed "rewrite"—Chinese history. It is now generally recognized that the extensive archaeological discoveries made in China over the last three decades necessitate such a rewriting and will keep an army of scholars busy for years to come. However, this is by no means the first time China’s historical record has needed rewriting. In this book, author Edward L. Shaughnessy explores the issues involved in editing manuscripts, rewriting them, both today and in the past. The book begins with a discussion of the difficulties encountered by modern archaeologists and paleographers working with manuscripts discovered in ancient tombs. The challenges are considerable: these texts are usually written in archaic script on bamboo strips and are typically fragmentary and in disarray. It is not surprising that their new editions often meet with criticism from other scholars. Shaughnessy then moves back in time to consider efforts to reconstitute similar bamboo-strip manuscripts found in the late third century in a tomb in Jixian, Henan. He shows that editors at the time encountered many of the same difficulties faced by modern archaeologists and paleographers, and that the first editions produced by a court-appointed team of editors quickly prompted criticism from other scholars of the time. Shaughnessy concludes with a detailed study of the editing of one of these texts, the Bamboo Annals (Zhushu jinian), arguably the most important manuscript! ever discovered in China. Showing how at least two different, competing editions of this text were produced by different editors, and how the differences between them led later scholars to regard the original edition—the only one still extant—as a forgery, Shaughnessy argues for this text’s place in the rewriting of early Chinese history. "The author is one of the few American scholars equipped to address these issues at a level beyond platitudes. His knowledge of the field is impressive: the notes refer to what must amount to hundreds of specialized studies, almost all of them by Chinese scholars and many in journals that are difficult to find in the United States. This is by far the best-documented discussion of these problems in any language." - Paul R. Goldin, author of After Confucius: Studies in Early Chinese Philosophy February 15 回到珞珈谚云:“树高千丈,叶落归根”,哲人或曰:“人生就是从起点回到起点。”不过,现在这个年纪或许还是早了点。元宵前一日,Vanlentine's day前三日,回到珞珈。昨夜一时无眠,倚榻读书,小楼一夜听春雨,敲打梧桐,真個是点点滴滴。
归田,但未解甲,心中贼未去之故也。感慨三分,一分疲惫,二分惆怅。 February 14 轮回与进步在中国,一百多年前的革命党要以民主共和取代“普世王权”,以民族国家模式取代“天下、国、家”模式。但一百多年后,新的自由主义者一方面仍还要以自由民主取代“独裁霸权”,另一方面要用“普世主义”模式再取代民族国家模式。前者无疑是轮回,后者却很难说是进步。近九十年前傅斯年就曾宣言:大的方面只承认“人类”,小的方面只承认“我”,其它诸如阶级、家庭、地方、国家皆是偶像(注意:此处的“偶像”是指徒具形像而实无意义的木偶之类)。这比“人权高于主权”要“进步”不知多少倍——尽管有人定义它为“乌托邦主义”。
参阅:
张灏《中国近代思想史的转型时代》,原载香港《二十一世纪》,1994年4月号。
傅斯年《新潮之回顾与前瞻》,《傅斯年文集》,台北联经出版社。 January 30 何炳棣《读史阅世六十年》读后札记(一) 一 二 三
参考链接: 1) http://go.6to23.com/moxianju/his/shanshilian/word1/042.htm 2) http://www.chisa.edu.cn/chisa/article/20050829/20050829008624_1.xml January 26 历史观与现代化——悼某某周刊因刊发某某文而遭禁历史事实尽管难以复原,不过毕竟还是客观存在。历史观或历史哲学则完全不同,虽然也不尽是一个“任人打扮的小姑娘”,但至少是因人而异,因时代而异,因人类自身的思想阶段与“阶级”差别而异。
儒家正统思想时期,洪杨是匪,“捻”“拳”是匪,当然“红毛”“西夷”亦均是匪。民族主义革命之时,洪杨至少是驱除鞑虏的先驱,而欧美诸夷则成为亡我华夏的元凶。农民暴力革命兴起,是我者友,非我者敌,泾渭分明,更不必论:既然伊朗学生强占美国使馆已属于“被压迫民族的反抗”,当年义和团炮轰领馆,又岂非壮举?!“自由民主”精神之重来吾华,一切又均将颠倒,自不待言。但所有的痛苦并未减轻,所有的差别依然存在,所有的为生存和利益的抗争始终不歇,——呜呼哀哉!哪里还存在着什么放之四海皆准的“历史教科书”?!
每一个人心中都有一种他自身的宗教,下层群体的宗教信条永远就是反抗——出于无奈,中层的宗教信条永远就是关怀——出于理想,上层的宗教信条永远就是博爱——出于欺骗与麻醉别人。既然如此,历史教科书,还是由它去罢。世事沧桑不变,我们暂时无能为力。
中国的现代化,就是恢复和造就不同阶级的文明对峙,从而推动政治经济的进步,而不是重新走上“一个阶级打倒另一个阶级”的道路。不要以为“博爱”就一定无往不胜,谓予不信,你就身揣百万现金住到贫民窟去试验一下,看看能不能全身而返。既然如此,历史教科书,还是由它去罢。对“狼奶”问题,我们需要的是反思甚至理解,而不仅仅是咒骂。
至于某刊的遭遇,再一次证明:不能仅反“贪官”,重要的是反“皇帝”。为此,必须要让诸如“历史教科书”之类问题,先放一边去。
[附证一]
日本《产经新闻》1月中旬发表京都大学名誉教授市村真一的文章。文章着重指出:“东南亚和中韩对二战历史的看法不同。”市村真一更在文章中以强硬笔调表示:“要日本的历史观与中韩一致,这是绝对不可能的。”
November 27 施舟人《道藏通考》《道藏通考》出版。购得一部。
Special thanks to Han Li and Wu Yulian
The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang
The Taoist Canon: A Historical Companion to the Daozang (Daozang tongkao 道藏通考). Edited by Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004 (2005). 3 vols. Pp. xix + 1637; illustrations; indexes. Cloth, $175.00, ISBN 0-226-73817-5. The publication of the three-volume Companion must be considered one of the most historically significant events for the field of Daoist Studies and a milestone in Chinese area studies. These volumes provide an analytical and topical survey of the entire contents of the Ming-dynasty (1368-1644) Daoist Canon, which consists of roughly 1500 texts from two originally distinct collections: (1) the Zhengtong daozang 正統道藏 (Daoist Canon of the Zhengtong Reign; printed in 1444-1445), and (2) the Xu daozang 續道藏 (Supplement to the Daoist Canon; dat. 1607). With contributions from twenty-nine scholars, the guiding motivation behind the Companion centers on opening the apparent impenetrability of the Daoist Canon because “[a]t every turn, the Daozang holds new and significant discoveries in store that are transforming our perceptions of Chinese religion and society” (xiii). Moreover, according to the editors, the Daozang may be read as a chart for the Daoist adept’s path to initiation, a library for all branches of Daoist learning, and a core history of the Daoist tradition in continuous interaction with the larger contours of Chinese religious and cultural history (xiii-xiv; see also 2-5). Almost thirty years in the making, the Companion is the culmination of the European Tao-Tsang Project, which was originally proposed by Kristofer Schipper (Shi Zhouren 施舟人) at the European Conference of Chinese Studies in 1976. “The aim was to provide the first comprehensive, systematic, and analytical bibliography of the Ming canon. All texts were to be investigated for their date, authorship, and significance, as well as abstracted” (45). Under the direction of Schipper, the headquarters of the project was established at the Center for Documentation and Research on Taoism of the École Pratique des Hautes Études and a steering committee was installed. Three working groups were established, one in Paris, one in Würzburg, and at a later stage, one in Rome. From this, it is obvious that the Tao-Tsang Project was primarily a European undertaking. In the ensuing years, various scholars, including many of the major European researchers of Daoism, joined the project. The work was, in turn, organized to progress in stages, which consisted of training sessions and workshops to develop the required specialist skills, and then a systematic, cooperative investigation of each text of the Daoist Canon. These various entries were originally written in four different languages: French, German, English, and Italian. At the final sessions of the steering committee it was decided that the work should be presented in English, and Schipper took responsibility for completing the work and editing it for publication. An initial deadline was set for 1993. In 1991, Franciscus Verellen joined Schipper as co-editor. In addition to the challenges of editing and finding contributors, the work was also stalled by organizational and historical concerns. The editors eventually decided to abandon the received Daoist textual classifications (Three Caverns, Four Supplements, and Twelve Categories) in favor of a historical and topological classification system. The preparation of the final manuscript was coordinated entirely by Franciscus Verellen, which included the daunting task of formatting the entire manuscript and compiling the bibliographic section. Such is the contents of volume three, and it was this material that made the actual publication date summer of 2005 rather than the announced and printed date of 2004. As one can see from this abridged history, the Tao-Tsang Project was a monumental undertaking and the publication of the Companion cannot but be considered an equally remarkable accomplishment. It should also be mentioned that various publications in the late 1980s and 1990s identified the Companion, most often referred to as The Handbook of the Taoist Canon, as “forthcoming.” The Companion consists of three volumes: (1) general introduction and first two historical divisions; (2) second historical division; and (3) bibliographical material and various indexes. The general introduction provides systematic discussions of the history of the Daoist Canon before the Ming dynasty, the Ming Canon and its supplement, and the Tao-Tsang Project. This is followed by the historical and topological entries. The Companion assigns an entry to each work in the Daozang. The works are identified by their full titles and by “work numbers” in the sequential order of their original appearance in the Ming-dynasty Daoist Canon. These catalogue numbers are based on Shi Zhouren 施舟任 (Kristofer Schipper) and Chen Yaoting’s 陳耀庭D aozang suoyin 道藏索引(Concordance to the Daoist Canon; 1996), which is a revised version of Schipper’s Concordance du Tao-tsang (1975), usually abbreviated as “CT” or “DZ” but appearing as a number without abbreviation in the Companion. In terms of the historical scheme, all of the works are assigned to one of three periods: (1) Eastern Zhou to Six Dynasties (vol. 1); (2) Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties (vol. 1); and (3) Song, Yuan, and Ming (vol. 2). Within these chronological divisions, the classification follows a topological interpretative framework that applies roughly the same structural pattern across the different periods. For each period, a first distinction is made between texts in general circulation (A), and texts in internal circulation (B). Within category A, the texts are classified according to subject, whereas in category B the framework is determined by the orders, schools, or textual traditions to which the works belong. Most often each division is preceded by a brief general introduction and historical overview. Each individual textual entry consists of a heading, an article and, if applicable, a bibliography. The “heading” contains the complete Chinese title, the length of the work, attribution and date, as well as the catalogue number. The “article” focuses on the following items: translation or paraphrase of the work’s title; details of provenance, authorship, and transmission, based on factual evidence from prefaces, postfaces, colophons, or bibliographic sources; important independent editions outside the Ming-dynasty Daoist Canon; internal evidence bearing on chronological relationships and affiliations with other works in the canon; and description of the nature and purpose of the work, including a characterization or brief summary of its contents. In this respect, the Companion goes far beyond Ren Jiyu 任繼愈 and Zhong Zhaopeng’s 鐘肇鵬important initial attempt at an analytical survey in their Daozang tiyao 道藏提要 (Descriptive Notes on the Daoist Canon; 1991). Unfortunately, the Companion frequently does not provide a complete and accurate translation of the titles of the corresponding texts and title abbreviations are rarely noted or established. The inclusion of these details would have helped to standardize the academic citation of Daoist texts. The “bibliography” includes only references to studies that are exclusively or substantially concerned with the subject of the entry, but these often are not exhaustive. For example, the entry on the Quanzhen qinggui (Pure Regulations of Compete Perfection; DZ 1235) (1170) does not mention that the text has been translated by Vincent Goossaert in his dissertation (1997), while the entry on the Dadan zhizhi (Direct Pointers to the Great Elixir; DZ 244) (1171) does not mention that the text has been translated by Paulino Belamide in his dissertation (2002). Moreover, in the entire contents of the Companion no mention is made to the Daoism Handbook (Brill, 2000 [Cloth], 2004 [Paper]). In addition to the general introduction, volume 1, “Antiquity through the Middle Ages,” consists of two parts. Part 1 covers the Eastern Zhou (770-256 B.C.E.) to the Six Dynasties (420-589 C.E.). Under texts in general circulation, one finds sections on philosophy (including texts and commentaries), divination, medicine and pharmacology, yangsheng, alchemy, sacred history and geography, collected works, and compendiums and encyclopedias. Under texts in internal circulation, there are sections on Tianshi (Celestial Masters), Shangqing (Highest Clarity), Lingbao (Numinous Treasure), texts in the Dongshen (Cavern Spirit) division of the Daoist Canon, other revealed scriptures, and the Taiping jing (Scripture of Great Peace). Part 2 covers the Sui (581-618), Tang (618-907), and Five Dynasties (907-960). Under texts in general circulation, one finds sections on philosophy (including commentaries, Tang philosophical texts, the Yinfu jing and its commentaries, and commentaries on the Cantong qi), divination and numerology, medicine and pharmacology, yangsheng, alchemy, sacred history and geography, collected works, and handbooks and encyclopedias. For texts in internal circulation, there are sections on the general liturgical organization of the Tang, Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity; a.k.a. Tianshi), the Taiping (Great Peace) division, the Taixuan (Great Mystery) division, Sanhuang (Three Sovereigns) scriptures and rituals, Dongyuan (Cavern Abyss) and Shengxuan (Ascent to the Mystery) scriptures and rituals, Lingbao, and the Dongzhen (Cavern Perfection) division. Volume 2, “The Modern Period,” covers the Song (Northern: 960-1126; Southern: 1127-1279), Yuan (1260-1368), and Ming (1368-1644). This “modern period” ends with the Ming because the latest texts contained in the received Daoist Canon only date to the late fifteenth century. Under texts in general circulation, one finds sections on philosophy (including commentaries on the Daode jing, Zhuangzi, Liezi, Yinfu jing, Cantong qi, commentaries on the scriptures of earlier Daoist movements, as well as treatises and essays), divination and numerology, medicine and pharmacology, neidan and yangsheng (here are subdivisions on the Zhong-Lü textual tradition and the so-called Southern School), alchemy, sacred history and geography, collectanea, as well as handbooks and anthologies. Under texts in internal circulation, there are sections on Zhengyi, Sanhuang, Lingbao, Shangqing, Tianxin zhengfa (Celestial Heart) and related rites, Shenxiao (Divine Empyrean) and thunder rites, Qingwei (Pure Tenuity), Jingming (Clear Brightness), Quanzhen (Complete Perfection), the Beidi (Northern Thearch) and Xuantian shangdi (Supreme Thearch of the Dark Heaven) cult, the Wenchang (God of Learning) cult, the Hongen Lingji zhenjun (Perfected Lords of Vast Mercy and Numinous Salvation) cult, Zhenyuan (Perfect Origin) scriptures, and other popular cults. While such organization and analysis have clearly resulted in making the Daoist Canon more accessible, one is left to wonder if such organization perhaps also does a disservice to the occasional entropy and disorganization of the collection, as certain Chinese and Japanese scholars have formerly suggested (see xiii, 41-44). For example, should Li Daochun’s Zhonghe ji (Anthology of Central Harmony; DZ 249) (1174) or the anonymous Nei riyong jing (Scripture for Daily Internal Practice; DZ 645) (1187) really be categorized as “Quanzhen” works? If so, what are the determining criteria for such inclusion? General remarks are made on pages 1130-1133, but many of the individual entries do not contain specific information. Volume 3, “Biographies, Bibliography, Indexes,” contains biographical notices of frequently mentioned Daoists, the bibliography, information on the twenty-nine contributors, and indexes. The latter includes a classified title index, work number index, Pinyin title index, finding list for other Daozang editions (Yiwen yinshu, Xin wenfeng, and Sanjia ben), and the general index. In order to utilize these indexes, one must know the complete Chinese title, as abbreviations are again not included. Here it should also be noted that the contributors use the idiosyncratic “logia” for translating yulu, usually rendered as “recorded sayings” or “discourse records.” As with any publication, there are certain details that deserve closer scrutiny and deeper reflection. In terms of general comments, it is unfortunate that the editors have chosen to use “Taoist” and “Taoism” rather than “Daoist” and “Daoism,” while simultaneously employing the Pinyin romanization system (see the comments in my review of Eskildsen’s Teachings and Practices). On some level, any serious researcher is aware that “Taoism/Daoism/Taoïsme/Taoismus” is a Western construct, but if this is all that it is, rather than a place-holder for a religious tradition (Daoist practitioners, communities, and their material expressions), then one might choose to write fiction over history. The Companion also categorizes the Song, Yuan, and Ming as the “modern period,” but this leaves out roughly four hundred years of Daoist history and textual production. Such is, perhaps, a consequence of the centrality of a Ming-dynasty textual collection in Daoist Studies. It might be more productive to think about Daoist history in terms of the following periodization model: (1) Classical Daoism (Warring States, Qin, and Early Han); (2) Early Daoism (Later Han); (3) Early Medieval Daoism (Period of Disunity and Sui); (4) Late Medieval Daoism (Tang, Song-Jin, and Yuan); (5) Late Imperial Daoism (Ming and Qing); (6) Modern Daoism (Republican and Communist); and (7) Contemporary Daoism. The final period encompasses more contemporary developments in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. It also includes the transmission and transformation of Daoism in other Asian, European, and North American contexts, as well as the establishment of the field of Daoist Studies throughout the world. While helpful, such periods should not lull one into believing that they encompass the dramatic changes that occurred between, for instance, the Tang and Song-Jin periods. One must also recognize that the Companion is largely a product of Western European Sinology: 24 contributors are European (Dutch, French, German, and Italian), 3 are Chinese scholars primarily trained in Europe, and two are Americans (Terry Kleeman and Nathan Sivin). This composition is obviously a matter of practicality and convenience, as much of the work involved attending seminars and work sessions in Europe. Nonetheless, major voices in the field of Daoist Studies are absent, some of whom and their areas of specialization include Stephen Bokenkamp on the Lingbao scriptures, Judith Boltz on various late medieval texts, Robert Campany on Daoist hagiography, and Livia Kohn on various Tang-dynasty texts. The inclusion of these and other North American scholars might have increased the depth and accuracy of the Companion. Moreover, scholars are left to reflect on the ways in which European Sinological approaches and concerns have determined the organizational structure and resulting interpretation of Daoism documented in this catalogue. In addition to historical and topical analysis, and insights into textual families and contents, most researchers utilizing the Companion will be seeking guidance concerning date and authorship. Here the editors of the Companion are clear concerning their aspirations: “We kept fast to the idea that we should aim to say the first word about a given text, not the last” (47), and “the results of our labors are far from perfect and will invite many corrections” (52). It is in the area of dating and authorship that the Companion is sometimes not systematic, exhaustive, or comprehensive. Here I will mention two examples from the Quanzhen order. First, in the unattributed general introduction to “Rules and Organization” the reader is informed that the “Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun, although often translated and quoted in the secondary literature, is simply a short programmatic description of the Quanzhen lifestyle of uncertain date and authorship” (1168). However, the individual entry (1170) suggests that the text was, in fact, written by Wang Chongyang, the founder of Quanzhen. With little evidence for or against, the researcher is left to find his or her own conclusions. The second example comes from the individual entry on the Chongyang zhenren jinguan yusuo jue (Perfected Chongyang’s Instructions on the Gold Pass and Jade Gate; DZ 1156) (1185), which states that “the contents and predominant terminology of this work differ greatly from other writings that can be confidently attributed to Wang Zhe.” The entry then simultaneously suggests that the text may have been written by Wang Chongyang before moving to Shandong and/or come from a later phase of Quanzhen history. However, the situation is far more complex and problematic than this entry suggests. As my Ph.D. dissertation suggests (Boston University, 2005), the Jinguan yusuo jue seems to be a discourse record of instructions given by Wang Chongyang during a variety of occasions, and there are, in fact, parallels between this text and other extant writings by Wang, the poetry anthologies in particular. Specialists are, then, left with much work to do in terms of dating and authorship. For this, the Companion has established an important methodology: “internal textual criticism” (see 4-5, 42, 47). This method traces quotations and identical textual passages and searches for datable elements such as specific names and terms and the use of stylistic and linguistic criteria. These internal criteria can be used to construct relative chronologies consisting of dates terminus ante quem and terminus post quem, which then, whenever they can be linked to some clearly datable source, may be transformed into a fairly accurate absolute chronology. However, in many individual entries the evaluative criteria and analytical results are not documented, and so scholars are sometimes left with even the most rudimentary work to do. All of this points to the continued difficulty of dating Daoist texts, even with such a monumental research tool as the Companion. Considered in the face of such challenges, the editors and contributors have done a truly remarkable service to the field of Daoist Studies that deserves one’s deep respect and gratitude. In combination with the Daoism Handbook (edited by Livia Kohn, 2000) and the forthcoming Encyclopedia of Taoism (edited by Fabrizio Pregadio), the Companion will revolutionize Daoist Studies in the West. Compared to similar works, The Taoist Canon is reasonably priced at $175 for the set of three volumes. Scholars of Daoism will find the Companion an indispensable research tool. Every research library with East Asian collections and every scholar of Chinese religions should also acquire these volumes. The Ming-dynasty Daoist Canon is, at last, accessible to such a degree that the field of Daoist Studies may broaden its areas of inquiry and discovery. Louis Komjathy August 31, 2005 October 02 刚日读经,柔日读史曾文正(?)有联云:刚日读经,柔日读史。案《礼记·曲礼上》:“外事以刚日,内事以柔日。”《表记》:“外事用刚日,内事用柔日。”郑玄注《曲礼》,刚日“顺其出为阳也”,柔日“顺其居内为阴”,甲、丙、戊、寅、壬五奇为刚,乙、丁、己、辛、癸五偶为柔。然文正此联,盖云无日不读书也,与内外事之择吉无关。 July 25 印刷愈便,文辞益冗章学诚曰:“古人文辞简严,章无賸句,句无賸字,良由书写艰难,取足达意而止,非第不屑为冗长,且亦无暇为冗长也。人情於所轻便,易於恣放,亦其常耳。“
张舜徽曰:”印刷愈便,而文辞益冗。“
珞珈子曰:”电脑网络愈精,而语言文字迁变益疾。“
张舜徽《广校雠略》,中华书局,1963 July 19 “非虚构性故事” 人情贵远贱近,好奇尚怪,而喜黜平实之说。故播在人口,史述不如小说,小说不如志怪。生人之事,俯揖神鬼之谈,并亦世间常理。即就史述而论,如孟心史所言:平正之论或久而不谈,新奇神秘不敢公然称道者,反传之不已。斯诚至论。孟氏又曰:“凡作小说,劈空结撰可也,倒乱史事,殊伤道德。即或比附史事,加以色泽,或并穿插其间,世间自有此一体。然不应将无作有,以流言掩实事。止可以其事本属离奇,而用文笔加甚之;不得节外生枝,纯用指鹿为马方法,对历史上肆无忌惮,毁记载之信用。”(《世祖出家史事考》)孟氏所谓有此一体者,今所谓“纪实文学”(或“非虚构性故事”)也。惟既以色泽,又文以行远,则将无作有、节外生枝等等,恐不能免。世事无迹,赖于文本,作者谋布章局、推敲文辞,殊有移人之深意存焉,而诵读之士自将以鹿为马矣。
孟森:《清初三大疑案考实》,巴蜀书社,2002年 July 18 颜习斋讲“实用”、“实行”,千百年来,颜习斋一人而已。其有言曰:“人之岁月精神有限,诵说中度一日,便习行中错一日,纸墨上多一分,便身世上少一分。”又曰:“养身莫善于习动,夙兴夜寐,振起精神,寻事去做。“又曰:”譬之于医,有妄人者,止务览医书千万卷,熟读详说,以为予国手也,视诊脉制药针炙为粗不足学,书日博,识日精,一人倡之,举世效之,岐黄遍天下,而天下之人病枕死相籍也。“均足发人深省。 July 13 倚天照海花无数,流水高山心自知胡王左彭劝进事,见《投笔漫谈》、《清人逸事》等。曾联纪事,则未知最早出处。“ 倚天”句典,至今亦未详。王湘绮后书另联“花鸟总知春浩荡,江山为助意纵横”, 更难解其意。 夜深读《非常道》,恨其不注出处。姑录俟考。 July 12 乐律札记一《世本》谓庖羲作五十弦云。世界乐器之进化,实以“丝弦”为最晚,因其材料及组织较其他敲击或吹奏乐器为复杂故也。《世本》所云,断非黄帝以前律管尚未发明之时所能有。(参王光祈著,页4)案丝弦若以个人之力,今亦不可遽得,至少非比剖竹为管之易也。 |
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